In western Africa, ordinary citizens of Kenya are faced with unjustly dire future work prospects. As the COVID-19 pandemic grips all corners of the globe, the domestic workers of Kenya have been forced out of their respective occupations with little to no safety net. As articulated by Kenyan journalist Kwamchetsi Makokha, her piece describes how the pandemic has negatively impacted an already broken domestic sector in Kenya. These domestic workers, often women, are regularly ridiculed and humiliated when they search for employment to feed their families; outdated gender norms have translated to non unionised labour and insufficient mental health resources. These labourers are not a minority archetype: an estimated two million Kenyans are employed in domestic related work, playing a vital role in the country’s economy. As demonstrated in modern day Kenya, these innocent individuals remain bound to the capitalistic, euro-centric defined term of the meaning of work leftover by their oppressors. As demonstrated by Will Monteith and Rashné Limki, this brief blog post will explore and analyse how imported western definitions of work, spawned largely by colonialism, systemically undervalue domestic work and marginalise women.
Western conceptions of work have directly influenced how domestic labour is valued in Kenya. Colonial capitalism valued the accumulation of profit above all, and is thought of in broadly industrial terms. Domestic labour did not fall under the purview of this imperial project, which relied on exploitation and heavy industry to maximise profit. Under this cannibalistic model, the colonies crippled sectors ranging from the arts to domestic labour that failed to satisfy this domain. As noted by Monteith, the western definition of work, first emphasised during the industrial revolution, literally includes the term “non-domestic’; standards which were imported and imposed upon Kenya. Achille Mbeme, postcolonial thinker, argues that colonial powers used these narrow conceptions of work to “discipline and ‘civilise’ indigenous populations based on a moral discourse that associated employment with ‘decency’. Indigenous industries and work standards were, thus, relegated to a status of ‘barbarity’ by these artificial western categories, engineered to maximise Empire’s profit. These standards remain unfortunately embedded within Kenyan society and attitudes towards work. Even though professions such as caretakers, cooks and nannies provide essential societal services, the “value of domestic work has not been properly recognized,” and “labor laws in the country [Kenya] have proved to be insufficient in dealing with the issues affecting domestic workers” (Makokha, 2020). This is underscored by the alienating rhetoric that surrounds non wage work in the global south, with informal workers characterised as “wasted lives”, with “no history or future” (Monteith, 2020). These characterisations demote domestic labourers to ‘inhumane’ status, leaving them “vulnerable to abuse and harassment without any recourse” and subjecting them to alienation, such that “No one knows or recognizes us” (Makokha, 2020). Under the colonial capitalistic model, this worker invisibility is a natural Western side-effect, and its self destructive tendencies dehumanise anyone that do not adhere to its prerogative.
Coloniality and its mechanisms of ‘othering’ enabled the subjugation of women and naturalised archaic gender roles, marginalising their labour. According to Limki, this concept of naturalisaton “not only assigns specific forms of activity…but also makes these associations appear natural” (Limki, 2017). These mechanisms of naturalisation, therefore, consider certain innate qualities as superior to others when delegating labour. In postcolonial Kenya, as explained earlier, informal labourers have been demoted to ‘inhumane’ status through imported western standards of work. These workers, predominantly women, in effect, are naturalised to “the activity of [their] gender” (Limki, 2017). Under naturalisation, Kenyan women are subjected to inhumane conditions of labour; women seeking informal work have described it as ‘capricious’, and “some men start to make inappropriate advances…If you do not finish work, your pay is docked.” (Makokha, 2020). These power dynamic abuses between men and women subject women to horrific labour conditions. This is further emphasised through non-wage workers’ lack of unionisation, as “[washerwomen] are not organized…meeting and organizing becomes…difficult” (Makokha, 2020). Under these naturalised gender roles, domestic women workers cannot seek other forms of labour, properly support their family or reform their current situation. These realities are especially dire for the future of non-wage workers, who often lack sufficient education and have no alternative labour options. As the pandemic burdens the economy further, domestic workers need a prioritised baseline of benefits and resources, or else it will be impossible for non-waged women to survive the brunt of this injustice.
These naturalised misogynistic gender roles extend far beyond non-waged labour, affecting women in all sectors of the Kenyan economy. As stated by Kenyan opinion columnist Rasna Warah, “misogyny in Kenya has reached unprecedented levels and cuts across all ethnic groups and classes”. As underlined by the degrading ideology held by this model’s elite, “[women] will be judged and vilified by men who cannot bear…the thought of women holding any kind of power or influence” and “This order [patriarchy] states that if you are a woman, you are dispensable” (Warah, 2013). In effect, the subordination of women and their work is naturalised. The rise of misogyny within Kenya has serious implications on the future of work for women, making it extremely difficult to gain leadership positions, hold political office and advocate for anti-discriminatory practices in the workplace. In addition, the rise of the COVID-19 pandemic worsens this marginalisation, delaying attempts to move toward social equality or level the labour market.
In conclusion, the Western definitions of work, imported through colonial capitalism, has embedded deep scars within Kenyan society. In effect, it has undervalued the status of domestic work and naturalised pernicious gender roles that marginalise women and their labour. These conditions have sparked heinous inequality, weakening the future job market. In order to see tangible change, these domestic workers will need committed governmental reform, unionisation and unprecedented social change in how we view work and gender. As such, the future of work for domestic workers and women in Kenya may remain bleak, but continued activism and support can positively change these future of work prospects.
References:
Limki, Rashné. “On the Coloniality of Work: Commercial Surrogacy in India.” Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 25, no. 4, 18 Sept. 2017, pp. 327–342., doi:10.1111/gwao.12220.
Makokha, Kwamchetsi, and Wangui Kimari. “What Washerwomen Would Say on a Webinar.” Africa Is a Country, Africa Is a Country, 31 July 2020, africasacountry.com/2020/07/what-washerwomen-would-say-on-a-webinar.
Monteith, Will. “Re-Thinking ‘Work’ from the Global South.” Futures of Work, 3 Apr. 2020, futuresofwork.co.uk/2020/04/01/re-thinking-work-from-the-global-south/.
Warah, Rasna. “Woman, Be Very Afraid: Misogyny Is Reaching Dangerous Levels in Kenya.” Nation, Nation, 8 Sept. 2013, nation.africa/kenya/blogs-opinion/opinion/woman-be-very-afraid-misogyny-is-reaching-dangerous-levels-in-kenya–892184.
