Author: François Bellamy

The political divide between urban and rural populations, a well-documented issue in the U.S., is also growing in Europe, especially in France. This divide highlights significant differences in political behavior based on geography. While sociodemographic factors are relevant, this analysis focuses on the role of location itself. Using France as a case study, it explores the causes of this divide and suggests potential solutions.

The decline of traditional political parties in recent years, once united by diverse electorates, has worsened these divisions, which are driven by two key sentiments among rural populations: lower political trust and a perception of being “left behind,” that foster a more pronounced political disengagement in these areas, reflected in lower voter turnout rates. At the same time, populist movements, notably the Rassemblement National — which dominated in 93% of rural municipalities in the most recent legislative elections — have positioned themselves rhetorically as the defenders of rurality, pitting “globalized elites of the large metropolises” against “the real people of the forgotten places,” while capitalizing on the fact that rural populations tend to be more Euroskeptic.

To understand the roots of this feeling of exclusion and to propose appropriate solutions, I will explore three primary causes identified in the literature, as well as potential mitigation strategies: economic exclusion (1), state disengagement (2), and systemic rejection (3).

Economic Exclusion

Rural populations in France are, on average, poorer, older, and less educated than their urban counterparts. Deindustrialization has weakened rural economies and concentrated employment opportunities in major cities. Many rural residents experience “residential constraints” that limit their ability to adapt to economic changes, contributing to their precarious situation. The increasing cost of urban housing, coupled with inadequate public transportation and high travel costs, further restricts mobility.

Economic precarity influences political behavior, as individuals in low-income areas perceive political representation more negatively. Lower educational attainment and declining socioeconomic status lead to a prioritization of materialist values over post-materialist concerns, such as environmentalism, which is often seen as an “urban” value by French country dwellers. Additionally, social precarity, characterized by declining employment opportunities, results in weaker social integration, which correlates with lower political participation.

Research on reducing the political impact of economic exclusion is limited, but two strategies stand out: improving rural mobility through expanded transportation networks (“bridging”) and promoting business development in rural areas (“bonding”). Balancing these approaches is key to avoiding lock-in effects and preserving local social ties. A “territorial development” model focused on social relations shows promise, but it must leverage local assets and culture to connect economic activities with people. This is exemplified by a post-industrial region in Rhône-Alpes, which has centered on the sports economy since the 2000s, boosting local workers’ “social capital” through its deep cultural ties.

State Disengagement

The withdrawal of the state from rural areas is another key factor contributing to the urban-rural political divide. Budgetary constraints have led to the closure of numerous public services in rural regions. Between 2010 and 2022, 14% of territorial state administration personnel were eliminated, a trend exacerbated by the digitalization of public services.

The absence of local public services reduces the visibility of state action, thereby diminishing political trust. Citizens tend to trust the government more when they can directly observe its presence through institutions such as schools and hospitals.

A potential solution lies in reconnecting the state with rural communities by restoring local public services. The “France Services” initiative aims to make public services more accessible, with innovations like mobile units for remote areas. However, it still adopts a “techno-optimist” approach, neglecting local needs and the human element. For instance, “France Services” remains impersonal, offering computers to people who don’t own one. This overreliance on digital technology, rather than fostering closer connections, undermines the state’s legitimacy and calls for a more human-centered approach.

Systemic Rejection

Rural populations are frequently perceived as the “losers” of globalization. While globalization was expected to create a “global village”, it has instead reinforced the dominance of “global cities,” concentrating economic benefits in metropolitan areas and marginalizing rural communities. Many rural residents see themselves as “victims of neoliberal globalization”, leading to lower subjective social status and increased support for far-right parties.

This discontent manifests in various ways. Some individuals express frustration through protest voting, particularly for populist parties, or engage in collective action, such as the Yellow Vest movement, which emerged in response to mobility-related economic hardships. Others disengage from the political system entirely, as evidenced by rising electoral abstention. Some French rural communities even seek alternatives to mainstream financial and economic systems, such as barter economies and localized financial practices. Additionally, isolation in sparsely populated areas fosters the spread of conspiracy theories.

Addressing systemic rejection requires both inclusion and incentives. Inclusion should focus on educational programs that promote “civic empowerment” and strengthen “civic culture,” which are linked to higher political participation. In France, such programs are mandatory for all students, both rural and urban, though their effectiveness is moderate. While they foster national unity more than diversity, they can marginalize those who do not conform to this model, exerting an exclusionary effect. This underscores the need to rethink civic education, prioritizing diversity and dialogue. Additionally, strategies like voter engagement “nudges,” using social pressure and reminders, can reduce political disengagement, particularly in small communities. However, to avoid potential backlash, it is essential to consider the tension between persuasion and reactance in mobilization efforts.

Conclusion

The urban-rural political divide in France is evident in lower voter turnout, stronger support for far-right populism, and greater Euroskepticism among rural voters. Addressing this divide necessitates tackling its root causes: economic exclusion, state disengagement, and systemic rejection.

While this post has presented key issues and potential solutions, it is crucial to recognize that the urban-rural divide is not a binary distinction but rather a continuum encompassing cities, suburbs, towns, and the countryside. Each of these areas faces distinct challenges in varying degrees. Therefore, future research should adopt a nuanced approach that accounts for these complexities to develop more targeted and effective policy solutions.